Why we must learn the lessons of the UK Post Office scandal when it comes to Cultural Property

Why we must learn the lessons of the UK Post Office scandal when it comes to Cultural Property

Impending enforcement of a new EU law that is not fit for purpose risks creating serious human rights breaches

The UK Post Office scandal has been a landmark of injustice that has outraged the public and politicians alike. Sub-postmasters were convicted of theft and even jailed – and one even committed suicide – when the real problem was the faulty Horizon computer system. For years the Post Office pursued the innocent while burying evidence of the true cause.

As victims have fought back, one of the aspects that has arisen time and again was the fact that the Post Office and its lawyers demanded that sub postmasters prove their innocence by demonstrating that the Horizon system had a problem. As The Law Society Gazette summed it up in the case of Lee Castleton from 2006, “the Post Office’s strategy was to put the burden on Castleton to prove that the Horizon IT system was not working properly – effectively reversing the burden of proof”.

Richard Moorhead, Professor of Law and Professional Ethics at the University of Exeter and Honorary Professor of Law at UCL, is a consulting expert on the scandal and has written extensively about it.

He concluded: “Our analysis of Lee Castleton’s case shows how misaligned the desire to win and justice can become. The problems are particularly acute when one side is unrepresented. There is a question here whether the lawyers were overly influenced by a legitimate, if opportunistic, strategy. The courts need to think long and hard about allowing artful legal argument to shift evidential burdens onto those least able to prove their case.”

As Doughty Street Chambers reported: “In Hamilton & Others, Tim Moloney KC and Kate O’Raghallaigh were appointed lead advocates by the Court of Appeal and represented 29 of the 39 appellants for whom the Court found that the investigative and disclosure failings of Post Office Limited were “so egregious as to make the prosecution of any of the ‘Horizon cases’ an affront to the conscience of the court” and that, in their conduct of the prosecutions, the Post Office “reversed the burden of proof”.”

Reversal of the burden of proof an aggravating factor

Clearly, the Post Office’s tendency to reverse the burden of proof to cover its tracks and shift the blame to sub-postmasters was a very serious aggravating factor in the scandal.

When ITV screened Mr Bates vs the Post Office, a drama series based on the scandal, it became the most celebrated show of the year and transformed the debate at the highest level, most specifically because of the reversal of the burden of proof aspect that led to such injustice. After more than a decade of fighting to clear their names and get recompense, it was this that finally galvanised the authorities and led to a public inquiry.

So, when is it reasonable to reverse the burden of proof under the law?

Being found in possession of a deadly weapon such as a knife now comes with a presumption of intent to use it under English law – an understandable development.

In 2021, the Council of Europe’s Warsaw anti-money laundering and counter-terrorism financing convention committee called on its States Parties to effectively apply the reversal of the burden of proof regarding the lawful origin of alleged proceeds or other property liable to confiscation in serious offences.

The 2021 report of the Conference of the Parties looked at the 2005 Council of Europe’s Convention on Laundering, Search, Seizure and Confiscation of the Proceeds from Crime and on the Financing of Terrorism. It evaluated the extent to which 34 States Parties have legislative or other measures in place for the burden of proof to be reversed, a possibility provided for in Article 3 (4) of the Convention.

That stipulates that “Each Party shall adopt such legislative or other measures as may be necessary to require that, in respect of a serious offence as defined by national law, an offender demonstrates the origin of alleged proceeds or other property liable to confiscation to the extent that such a requirement is consistent with the principles of its domestic law”.

The key words here are “in respect of a serious offence as defined by national law” – in other words, where a serious offence has been identified as having taken place.

Mission creep: from serious offence to casual risk prevention

The problem the art market faces in dealing with regulation and the authorities now is mission creep. Application of the reversal of the burden of proof has moved far beyond the test of whether a serious offence has occurred and into the realm of what is effectively casual risk prevention.

It is now becoming the norm to apply the reversal of the burden of proof for provenance within the international art market and for those importing their possessions, even where no evidence at all exists of a risk of money laundering or terrorism financing.

As with the sub-postmasters, it is not possible to provide evidence that either does not exist, or that you cannot gain access to, to prove your innocence – in which case you are assumed to be guilty. Just as the courts were scandalised by this attitude and approach in the Post Office scandal, so should they be in the treatment of the art market and private citizens with regards to their property.

The imposition of the ‘reversal’ standard across the board on a huge range of imports under EU Reg 2019/880 relating to cultural goods is utterly disproportionate, proportionality being the international legal test for whether such measures are reasonable, as well as a prerequisite of the European Commission President’s official policy on lawmaking.

A key pledge on page 7 of the EC President’s new political guidelines reinforces this concept: “Future legislation must also be simplified and designed with small businesses in mind and in a spirit of subsidiarity.”

Wise words that fly in the face of what is actually happening.

Violation of the presumption of innocence

Let’s not forget that the European Commission’s own research, in the form of two studies commissioned to show, among other things, the level of terrorism financing across all its member states, found no evidence at all. So no evidence, and yet the enforcement of the ‘reversal’ policy as though evidence had been found.

As the UK Appeal Court noted in the Supreme Court of Canada, Dickson CJC said that “[i]f an accused is required to prove some fact on the balance of probabilities to avoid conviction, the provision violates the presumption of innocence because it permits a conviction in spite of a reasonable doubt in the mind of the trier of fact as to the guilt of the accused.[60]

That level of proof will soon be applied to importers of cultural property to the EU. Without any evidence showing that terrorism financing, which initially prompted this law, is a problem, the application of such a standard when no offence – serious or otherwise – has been identified appears disproportionate. As such, it is in breach of Article 1, Protocol 1 of the European Convention of Human Rights, which stipulates that individuals should be able to enjoy possession of their private property without arbitrary interference.

If evidence of terrorism financing had been clear, then raising the breach of 2019/880 rules to the level of serious crime might be justified on the understanding that serious crime is largely defined by the severity of harm caused by the offence. Without that evidence, however, reversing the burden of proof risks becoming a violation of human rights, just as it was in the cases related to the Post Office scandal.

Photo caption, above: ITV’s Mr Bates vs the Post Office, the drama series that transformed the debate on the Post Office scandal. The scandal’s reversal of the burden of proof aspect outraged the public and politicians.

The clock is ticking for the European art market

The clock is ticking for the European art market

It is astonishing that so many of the high level art market seminars and conferences being held across the world – and notably in the UK and Europe – fail to address what is likely to be the biggest issue for those concerned next year. 

For all the talk of AI, the rise of the Middle East as an art hub and the role of art advisors, no one seems interested in the one thing that might bring the whole transnational market across Europe to a juddering halt: the enforcement of EU Reg 2019/880 on the import of cultural goods. 

Nominally introduced to fight terrorism financing (for which there has been no evidence) and money laundering, the unrealistic demands of the regulation when it comes to import documentation mean that honest market professionals will find themselves unable to send works they have bought or sold to the EU.

The law also applies to private citizens, thereby undermining the European Convention on Human Rights as it applies to property rights.

By now, member states within the EU should be on top of this law. They need to know what impact it will have on their resources when it comes to assessment and Customs, and they need to have a clear idea of exactly how they will enforce the law so that the roll-out across the 27 EU countries will be uniform or at least harmonised so that they do not unwittingly create weak spots for entry that might attract criminals. 

Guidelines promised in September have still not appeared. Behind closed doors, industry professionals are horrified at the state of affairs and find themselves unable to submit to the legal liabilities that signing off import documents will bring. 

Advice from the authorities in Brussels has been conflicting – and those receiving it do not know if what they are being told is simply the interpretation of officials or binding law. 

Too many questions remain unanswered as we approach the New Year, with an enforcement date of June 28. We are promised a set of guidelines before Christmas, but will they be enough?

Key questions that need answers now

Here are some key questions that still need to be settled: 

–      Who must sign off on the terms and conditions of import? The buyer? The seller? An intermediary such as an auction house? 

–      How can a buyer who has not personally inspected the goods they are importing, or does not have absolute knowledge of the accompanying documentation and its reliability prior to import, accept legal liability for its validity – to the point of risking criminal prosecution if it is not? 

–      Why would an auction house expose itself to such liability on behalf of a buyer or seller? 

–      Will the EU and its member states, including their Customs teams, accept third-party affidavits as sufficient evidence of legal export in order to solve the issues set out above?

–      The regulation separates antiquities from archaeological artefacts and applies differing rules to each. However, it does not define how they are different. Will it accept the standard difference as set out in the complementary EU export law (116/2009)

–      How does the regulation distinguish between antiquities and antiques? This also remains unclear. 

–      Existing Customs codes do not distinguish between non-EU origin items, to which the new regulation applies, and EU-origin items which are exempt. How will Customs officers, who do not have relevant expertise in this area, decide what to do?

While some of the above may seem fairly technical, these questions go to the heart of the import process. The lack of clarity means deep uncertainty over whether goods will be blocked or even seized at the border, or delayed, in some cases for up to five months.

Just as uncertain will be the costs involved, while the administrative burden for those completing the paperwork is daunting. As one leading insurance broker concluded: “This would be a total non-starter for the art market.” 

Already some members of the trade have said they will not import to the EU. While that may mean more business for non-EU art market centres like London, it would be a disaster for Paris, which has seen an uptick in its global share since Brexit. Ultimately, though, as a global industry, a law that proves insurmountable in a leading market jurisdiction will be bad news for us all.

UK trade plan June 28 seminar as new EU import law fears grow

UK trade plan June 28 seminar as new EU import law fears grow

Leading art market lawyer says new regulation will risk isolating the EU culturally

British trade associations concerned about impending EU legislation that will affect UK exports will brief dealers on the changes at a seminar in London on June 28.

Titled The increasing difficulty in the international movement of ancient coins and objects, the afternoon session is organised by law firm Devonshires, who will host the event at their London offices and online on behalf of the British Numismatic Trade Association and the Antiquities Dealers’ Association.

The session will focus on how to comply with the news EU import licensing regulation (2019/880), which comes fully into force on June 28, 2025, and affects art and objects created and originally discovered outside the EU.

Provenance, due diligence and paperwork are at the heart of concerns as the trade associations argue that the regulation will make it all but impossible to meet its demands.

Of particular concern is the manner in which the regulation reverses the burden of proof for importers to the EU. Instead of the authorities having to show that imported items have been stolen or illegally moved, it will be up to the importers to show that they haven’t.

Martin Wilson, co-chair of the newly formed Art Lawyers’ Association, summed up the challenges in an article published on June 13 titled The New EU Cultural Goods Import Law – Politics over Pragmatism?

Wilson, who is also Chief Legal Officer at Phillips Auctioneers and author of Art Law and the Business of Art, argues that the law is unlikely to prevent the trafficking of cultural property, one of its chief aims: “…the best-case scenario is that trafficking activities will simply be diverted to elsewhere in the world by this law, not stopped,” he writes. Worse, while the legitimate market will face the burden of compliance, traffickers will simply ignore the law, he believes.

“There is a risk that the more difficult it is to import an object legitimately the greater the incentive to resort to smuggling and the greater the rewards for doing so. If that happens trafficking activities will be neither stopped nor diverted – and may even increase,” Wilson warns.

It is also apparent that the EU authorities have significantly underestimated the challenge of establishing an effective electronic registration system for imports – “a mammoth task”, says Wilson – while customs officials are unlikely to have the relevant experience or expertise to deal with applications. The expected clampdown likely to result from this means will mean significant delays, inconsistency in rulings and unjustified refusals, he says.

Wilson concludes: “This complexity and delay – as well as the likely inconsistency of decisions – will likely be a strong disincentive to import art of any kind or origin into the EU. This will lead to fewer imports into the EU of art and fewer EU buyers of art in countries outside the EU. By making it harder to import cultural property, the EU will then risk becoming culturally isolated.”

This is the context in which the June 28 seminar will be conducted.It runs from 3pm to 5.30pm BST, with networking drinks to follow. Those interested in attending in person or remotely can find all the details here.

It’s time to stop abusing UNESCO’s 1970 cultural property Convention for political ends

It’s time to stop abusing UNESCO’s 1970 cultural property Convention for political ends

Fifty-two years ago today, the UNESCO 1970 Convention on the prevention of illicit trade in cultural property first came into force. Nine days ago, Kenya became the latest country to finally ratify the Convention, adopting it into domestic law. It comes into force there on May 15.

It’s worth remembering that delay: 52 years plus three weeks.

And it’s well worth revisiting the terms of the Convention because so many people these days misinterpret it for their own ends.

As its articles set out, it was designed to protect exceptional objects – national treasures specifically designated as important in published lists by the countries where they originated (Article 1). Today those campaigning against the art market argue that it covers every last commonplace artefact: it doesn’t. What’s more, few if any States Parties have submitted such lists of important works.

States Parties to the Convention make seven pledges under Article 5. These include a further commitment to keeping an updated national inventory of protected property (few, if any do); organising the supervision and protection of archaeological excavations (few do); and ensuring that interested parties such as curators, collectors and the market observe the principles of the Convention (these parties tend to do this themselves).

Article 6 commits States Parties to introducing a system of export licensing that includes the issuance of an export certificate or licence (only some do).

Article 7.b(ii) introduces one of the key elements of the Convention: “The States Parties to this Convention undertake: at the request of the State Party of origin to take appropriate steps to recover and return any such cultural property imported after the entry into force of this Convention in both States concerned, provided, however, that the requesting State shall pay just compensation to an innocent purchaser or to a person who has valid title to that property.” [emphasis added].

The words highlighted here in Article 7.b(ii) are vital. They show that the terms of the Convention only apply to a State Party after it has adopted them into its national legislation either automatically or via ratification. So, in Kenya’s case that is May 15, 2024.

Who signed up to the Convention and when?

The adoption list shows that the first countries to adopt the Convention were Bulgaria, Ecuador and Nigeria, which did so on the first day of enforcement, April 24, 1972.

Apart from Kenya, countries that have ratified or accepted the Convention much more recently include Switzerland (2004), Afghanistan (2005), Germany (2008), The Netherlands (2009), Austria (2015), Ethiopia (2018), Yemen (2019) and Malawi (2022). Many countries in Africa and Asia did not accede to the Convention until the 21st century.

An interesting case in point is Egypt, which did not accept the Convention until July 5, 1983. Up to that time, not only had Egypt overseen a system of licensed dealers selling antiquities for legal export, it even ran a saleroom from the Cairo Museum. The picture here shows a visitor inspecting items for sale there around 1965.

Why is this important? Because under numerous proposals now being made – in particular via Regulation (EC) 2019/880 within the European Union – a widespread attempt is being made to enforce the terms of the Convention on a global basis from April 24, 1972.

This means imposing its rules on States Parties that have not agreed to such a move. In Egypt’s case, it will effectively outlaw any item sold and exported legally from Egypt in the 11-year period between 1972 and 1983 for which documentary proof to the standards demanded today cannot be provided to show that the purchase and export were legal. In reality, that will mean just about everything, because the export licence, which it would be essential to produce today, probably no longer exists and, in the extremely rare cases where it did, it would probably not have sufficient identifiable detail to meet the exacting standards now imposed for import.

It should be remembered that in 1980, for instance, no requirement would have existed to retain an export licence once used – indeed it would have expired. (Even today no requirement subsists to retain such licences once used and expired.) In many, if not most cases, a single export licence would have covered multiple items, and so would not have stayed with any or all of them once the export/import process had been completed. Items then sold on to new owners legally would not have been accompanied by the export licence, and many of these items would have changed hands several times since.

The challenge for the private citizen

How would a current owner supply the required proof under such common circumstances?

The retroactive application of the 1970 UNESCO Convention terms by national law enforcement bodies such as customs would effectively outlaw objects that have been exported and traded since entirely legitimately. Such an imposition would be in direct contravention of human rights conventions (as well as basic principles of international law) to which the countries imposing these new rules are signatories. As a reminder, Article 17.2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states: “No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property,” while Article 1 of the Protocol to the European Convention of Human Rights states: “Every natural or legal person is entitled to the peaceful enjoyment of his possessions. No one shall be deprived of his possessions except in the public interest and subject to the conditions provided for by law and by the general principles of international law.”

‘Arbitrary’ has a meaning that includes “unrestrained and autocratic in the use of authority”, while “general principles of international law” include the concept of innocent until proven guilty.

By retroactively outlawing legitimate activity and doing so in a way that an individual cannot demonstrate their innocence, the authorities effectively breach the human rights conventions, yet this is what is proposed.

It should also be remembered that the articles of the UNESCO Convention were drawn up specifically to prevent such an imbalance of interests, as noted by one of its architects Mark B. Feldman in his 2023 book Footnotes to History.

Under Article 7.b(ii) of the Convention, in Kenya’s case, its terms should only apply from May 15, 2024, not 52 years ago.

As we celebrate the 52nd birthday of the UNESCO Convention on the means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property, it is timely to remind those who support its aims that they should follow its terms and not abuse it for their own undemocratic ends.

What exactly are Interpol’s figures for art crime?

What exactly are Interpol’s figures for art crime?

The false claim that illicit trade in cultural property is third only to that in drugs and weapons

So many conflicting claims have been made about Interpol’s art crime figures, including the looting and trafficking of antiquities, that it is difficult to know what to believe these days.

Part of the problem was that for years Interpol published conflicting claims on the Art Crime home page of its website, as the screenshots here show:

Headlining was the claim that “The black market in works of art is becoming as lucrative as those for drugs, weapons and counterfeit goods”. Earlier claims by Interpol valued the global illicit market in cultural property at around $4 billion to $5 billion annually.

This has never been true, and recent figures in the World Customs Organisation’s annual Illicit Trade Reports demonstrate this clearly. In fact, cultural property crime, which includes categories such as household goods is, by a very long way indeed, the smallest risk category.

The admission that Interpol has never had any figures to demonstrate its headline claim, nor is ever likely to obtain such figures, appeared in a click-through section lower down on the same page (see above).

Unfortunately, bodies such as the European Commissionthe Carabinieri and UNESCO have promoted the headline claim while ignoring the admission lower down, leading to the widespread dissemination of what amounted to a false claim. This matters because the false claim has directly influenced new policy and further restrictions on the art market.

Fortunately, after having the discrepancy pointed out to it for several years, Interpol finally removed the conflicting claims from its website in March 2019. However, the headline claim’s pervasiveness, in what amounted to a long-term viral online campaign against the art market, means that it is still widely quoted and believed to this day.

  • Transnational operations (Operation Pandora etc)

For the past decade and more Interpol has co-ordinated with Europol and national police forces in dozens of countries on an annual basis to mount operations aimed at stemming the flow of illicit cultural property that might be involved in money laundering and terrorism financing.

With names such as Odysseus, Athena and Pandora, these huge operations target individuals, households, business and transport. The resulting media releases enumerate vast numbers of seizures, as well as arrests, while also providing examples, including photographs of important items that have been seized.

While this all looks impressive, what neither Interpol nor Europol have ever done is to follow these data up with the crucial information about how many of these seized items later turned out to be illicit and linked to money laundering or terrorism financing. Nor do they ever publish conviction rates for those arrested.

The ADA and IADAA have twice asked Europol for these figures.

The first occasion was in February 2017, when Europol told us: As your questions are very detailed and some are focused on particular countries, I suggest you get in contact with the countries involved. We can only communicate on a general level and don’t hold all the details of the different participating countries.”

The second occasion was in May 2023, when Europol told us: “Unfortunately, we won’t be able to help as we do not have these figures. Europol is not a statistical organisation – Europol’s priority is to support cross-border investigations and the information available is solely based on investigations supported by Europol.

Interpol has published numerous media releases on the same subjects and has included operational results in separate reports, including its 2020 report, Assessing Crimes Against Cultural Property.

This included data on Operation Pandora V, which took place across 32 countries and resulted in more than 56,400 cultural goods being seized and 67 arrests. 27,300 of the items seized came in a single haul in France where Customs officers arrested a man who had been illegally digging up archaeological pieces.

The leading publicised highlight from the operation was a set of three gold coins that “could have been worth up to €200,000 on the black market”, which were recovered after the arrest of two men in Spain. 

Data in the Interpol report relating to global crime referred to arrests, but shed no light on convictions or how much of what was seized later proved to be illicit. No mention of terrorism financing was made.

Page 14 of the report revealed that of the 567,465 items seized in Europe, 83% (or 472,933) were library materials. This single category of library items accounted for 55% of the global total of 854,742 objects seized for the whole of 2020.

  • Ongoing issues

Despite supposedly cleaning up its act with the 2019 relaunch of its website, Interpol has continued to promote false and unsubstantiated claims.

In the introduction to its 2021 report it stated: “The illicit trafficking of cultural property is a major source of revenue for organized crime groups and terrorists alike…” (see page 4) – It is clear from Interpol’s other statements on data that it has no evidence to show cultural property to be a major revenue source for terrorists.

Following these conflicting claims and lack of vital intelligence, what does Interpol publish on its website in 2024?

Despite providing no data, and having admitted that it has never had it, nor is ever likely to obtain it, Interpol’s headline claim on its Cultural Heritage home page is: “Trafficking in cultural property is a low-risk, high-profit business for criminals with links to organized crime.”

Click through to the section on Crimes: The issues – cultural property, and it is largely populated by general statements. The one hard claim is that “the majority of thefts are carried out from private homes”.

The related news section at the bottom includes links to other news, including the most recent release on a transnational operation, Pandora VII, from May 2023, which again limits data to arrests and seizures, but gives no information on outcomes.

Nowhere on its website does Interpol provide clear data as to the scope and value of illicit cultural property.

However, despite admitting that it does not have the data, and despite WCO and other figures showing it not to be true, and despite updating the Art Crime home page, Interpol still promotes false claims via an out-of-date video from 2015 on its web page How we fight cultural crime.

Worse still is that the person making the claims in the video is Interpol’s Secretary General Jürgen Stock, who states that the illicit trade in cultural property is as lucrative as those for drugs, weapons and counterfeit goods, and then directly links them to terrorist financing, even though no evidence of this happening has been provided beyond the very limited Abu Sayyaf case of May 2015. In doing so, he directly links these purported crimes to the international art market, despite providing no evidence to support this.

The Secretary General makes his claims based on UN sanctions relating to Syria (2199) and Iraq, but these are preventive measures, not evidence of executed crimes. At the time of adoption in 2014, the sanctions’ text stated that terrorists were benefiting from trade in cultural property but gave no examples of this happening. As noted above, the Abu Sayyaf raid in 2015 – after the sanctions were introduced – remains the only cited example of this happening, and the sums involved were small and not clearly identified.

It is not clear from the website that the video is from 2015, so viewers may think this is current thinking at Interpol. Mr Stock must surely know better now nine years on from this recording and should remove it from the website. The ADA and fellow trade association IADAA have contacted him directly recently and asked him to update the website, but so far we had no reply.

To repeat: Nowhere on its website does Interpol provide clear data as to the scope and value of illicit cultural property